Mushtaq Ul Haq Ahmad
Rebuilding Babri Masjid: A Politically Motivated Revival of a Settled Dispute
In the shadow of India’s complex communal history, recent moves by fringe politicians to “rebuild” the Babri Masjid—demolished in 1992—signal a dangerous attempt to resurrect a divisive issue long laid to rest by judicial verdict and consensus. On December 6, 2025, Humayun Kabir, a serial party-hopper from West Bengal’s Murshidabad district, laid the foundation stone for a “New Babri Masjid” in Beldanga, claiming it as a replica of the original structure. This event, occurring annually on the demolition’s anniversary, coincided with the Calcutta High Court’s refusal on December 5 to stay the construction. Kabir’s action, far from a pious endeavor, appears as a calculated bid for political relevance amid his latest suspension from the Trinamool Congress (TMC).
Kabir’s career exemplifies opportunism. Elected as a Congress MLA from Bharatpur in 2011, he defected to TMC, then jumped to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) before the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, contesting unsuccessfully from Murshidabad. Ahead of the 2021 West Bengal Assembly elections, he rejoined TMC and won from Bharatpur. Suspended from TMC in recent months over internal disputes, Kabir announced the launch of his Janata Unnayan Party (People’s Development Party) around the same time as the foundation-laying. With scant achievements to showcase—neither infrastructure milestones nor voter-centric programs—Kabir has pivoted to the Babri issue, rallying “gullible Muslims” who reportedly donated bricks and funds. Supporters, including Janata Dal (United) MP Kaushalendra Kumar from Nalanda, have defended the project, framing it as cultural preservation. Yet, this defense rings hollow against the backdrop of a Supreme Court judgment that closed the chapter two years prior.
Echoing Kabir, Mohammad Mushtaq Malik, President of Tehreek Muslim Shabban and convener of the Telangana Muslim Joint Action Committee, announced plans in late 2025 for a “memorial mosque” in Hyderabad, explicitly modeled on the Babri Masjid. These initiatives risk dragging India’s Muslim community back into a “black hole” of communal strife, mirroring the Babri Masjid Action Committee’s (BMAC) decades-long campaign. That movement, launched post-1992, squandered millions in donations and countless man-hours, polarizing society while enabling right-wing electoral gains. Today, with the Ayodhya dispute resolved, such replicas serve no constructive purpose beyond vote-bank politics.
The Babri Masjid, built in 1528 by Mughal governor Mir Baqi, stood in Ayodhya until December 6, 1992, when kar sevaks razed it amid claims of an underlying Ram Janmabhoomi temple. The demolition sparked nationwide riots, killing over 2,000, and ignited a legal marathon spanning decades. The Liberhan Commission (2009) indicted senior BJP leaders like L.K. Advani for incitement, but political expediency diluted accountability.
Muslim organizations, led by the BMAC and All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), pursued restoration through courts. Protests, marches, and fundraisers mobilized masses but yielded little. The 2010 Allahabad High Court verdict divided the 2.77-acre site into three parts—Sunni Waqf Board, Nirmohi Akhara, and Hindus—sparking further appeals. The Supreme Court’s landmark 2019 ruling (M. Siddiq v. Mahant Suresh Das) awarded the entire disputed land to a trust for the Ram Temple, acknowledging the 1992 demolition as illegal yet prioritizing archaeological evidence of a prior non-Islamic structure. Critically, it mandated 5 acres elsewhere in Ayodhya for a new mosque, via the Sunni Waqf Board and Uttar Pradesh government.
By January 2024, the Ram Temple’s pran pratishtha marked closure, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi consecrating it. The mosque site remains undeveloped as of early 2026, a glaring inaction reflecting leaders’ reluctance to invest in non-divisive projects. No major Muslim organization has broken ground, citing bureaucratic hurdles or funding gaps. This lassitude underscores a truth: the Babri issue thrived on emotion, not execution. Reviving replicas elsewhere sidesteps the court’s gift, chasing symbolism over substance.
Humayun Kabir’s Murshidabad project exemplifies this. Murshidabad, a Muslim-majority district (66% per 2011 Census), has seen BJP gains, eroding TMC’s dominance. Kabir’s BJP stint in 2019 positioned him as a counter to TMC’s Mamata Banerjee, but his return yielded a win—until suspension. The “New Babri Masjid,” on private land per reports, bypassed permissions initially, prompting court intervention. Donors carried bricks in emotional displays, but Kabir’s Janata Unnayan Party launch ties it explicitly to polls. With West Bengal’s 2026 civic elections looming, he eyes a base among disaffected Muslims, much like his 2019 BJP flirtation targeted Hindus.
Defenders like Kaushalendra Kumar argue it’s “harmless commemoration,” but context matters. December 6 evokes trauma for Muslims and triumph for many Hindus; replicas inflame both. Kabir’s history—four party switches in 15 years—undermines piety claims. No developmental agenda accompanies the mosque; his party’s manifesto, sparse as it is, leans on communal rhetoric. This mirrors broader patterns: politicians exploit settled grievances for mileage, leaving communities fractured.
In Telangana, Malik’s Hyderabad plan follows suit. As a self-styled activist, he leverages Telangana’s 12% Muslim population amid BRS-BJP tussles. Such moves risk vigilante perceptions, inviting counter-mobilization.
The BMAC’s campaign (1992-2019) exemplifies folly. It collected crores via bait ul maal drives, yet funds vanished into litigation and logistics. Leaders like Syed Shahabuddin and AIMPLB’s Ali Miyan prioritized court battles over education or welfare, keeping Muslims busy with a non-issue. Right-wing outfits like VHP capitalized, sweeping 1998-2014 polls on Ram Mandir planks. Communal divides sharpened: trust surveys (Pew 2021) show persistent Hindu-Muslim gaps, exacerbated by Babri memories.
Scholarly voices like, Maulana Wahiduddin Khan, in works like Indian Muslims (2003), warned against “idealism” trapping Muslims in victimhood. He advocated forgiving the demolition for national integration, earning “Hindutva agent” barbs. Rashid Shaz, in Babri Masjid and Indian Muslims (1987), critiqued BMAC’s rigidity, urging mosque construction on alternate land. Both proved prescient: the 2019 verdict mirrored their pragmatism, granting temple site to Hindus while offering mosque land.
Their wisdom resonates today. Khan emphasized Quranic principles like sulh (reconciliation, Quran 4:128), arguing endless strife aids adversaries. Shaz highlighted how agitation bred extremism, from SIMI radicals to BJP’s ascendancy.
Kabir and Malik’s projects risk repeating history. Replicas symbolize defiance, not devotion—provoking Hindu backlash akin to 1992. Social media amplifies: #NewBabri trends draw trolls, while gullible donors fund egos. Politically, they polarize: BJP can decry “appeasement,” TMC distance itself, leaving initiators isolated. Economically, it’s exploitative. Kabir’s site, touted as grand, lacks transparency; past BMAC audits revealed mismanagement. Muslims, facing 31% poverty (NSSO 2023), deserve schools, not symbols.
In polarized India—post-2024 elections with BJP’s third term—these stunts invite state crackdowns under anti-terror laws, alienating moderates. Saner elements must counter this. Ulema like Darul Uloom Deoband or Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, silent thus far, should condemn replicas as bid’ah (innovation) distracting from real jihad—self-improvement. emulate Khan: prioritize Ayodhya’s allocated land. Community leaders could fund it via waqf reforms, showcasing progress. Politically, Muslims must reject opportunists. Vote for development, not division. Kabir’s party, like Malik’s fronts, offers no vision beyond Babri ghosts. India’s Muslims thrive when integrated: 200 million strong, they lead in UP’s 2022 polls via SP alliances, focusing bread-and-butter issues. Reviving Babri squanders this.
The Babri saga teaches closure heals. Ram Temple stands; build the mosque on given land. Let Kabir’s bricks gather dust. Ulema, rise: douse communal fires, ignite aspirations. Only then will Indian Muslims reclaim agency, proving resilience over resentment. Imagine a future where resources fuel madrasa modernizations, skill centers in Murshidabad, or healthcare in Hyderabad—tangible gains eclipsing stone replicas. History favors builders over agitators; let this be the pivot. By embracing the Supreme Court’s pragmatic path, Muslims can honor heritage without hatred, fostering a plural India where every community rises together. The time for realism is now—before political pyromaniacs ignite avoidable infernos.
M.H.A.Sikander is Writer-Activist based in Srinagar, Kashmir.
First published in www.newageislam.com
